Anniversary of May Tragedies – Systemic Response Absent

(Source: Istinomer) A year after the mass shootings at “Vladislav Ribnikar” school and in the villages of Dubona and Malo Orašje, which claimed 19 lives, including nine children under 14, and injured 18, little has changed. The state has implemented only some measures aimed at preventing similar tragedies, with no accountability established for individuals and institutions responsible for what happened. TV stations promoting violence have not been sanctioned, reality shows have not been banned, and tabloids continue to violate the Journalists’ Code of Ethics.

The first anniversary of the May tragedies, which disturbed the entire country and brought thousands to the streets in protests against violence, coincided with the formation of the new Serbian government. However, despite expectations, the tragic events were mentioned in just three sentences during the three-hour speech by the Prime Minister-designate, Miloš Vučević. Besides noting the symbolism of the anniversary falling on Good Friday and Holy Saturday, he stated that the memory of these events must not and will not fade and issued a general message that “our shared grief should unite us in our efforts and work, both personally and systemically, to ensure such events never happen again.” There was no mention of what systemic efforts would look like or the results of the measures already adopted.

Politically Motivated Measures

Following the two mass shootings, the Serbian government quickly adopted several measures to better control firearms and enhance safety in schools and among youth. However, some of these measures have not been implemented even after a year.

Most firearm-related measures have been carried out, such as the two-month “disarmament of Serbia” campaign, during which nearly 109,000 weapons were handed over to the police. Firearm control and a two-year ban on issuing firearm permits remain in effect, but legislation to tighten conditions for holding and carrying short firearms and lowering the age of criminal responsibility has not been changed.

Fewer measures addressed youth safety and education. Police presence in schools has increased, and a Council for the Prevention of Peer Violence has been formed to organize mobile teams comprising social workers, educational and health institutions, and police to respond quickly to such violence. However, mandatory drug testing for seventh and eighth grade and high school students and a ban on access to the Dark Web have not been introduced.

An analysis by the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy concludes that the measures were politically motivated to appease the public and were not devised by experts in public safety, justice, and education, making some impossible to implement (e.g., banning Dark Web access, lowering the age of criminal responsibility, short-term firearm control).

The analysis emphasizes that experiences from other countries show that harsher penalties do not solve violence or firearm issues and that data from the regional “Armed Violence Monitoring Platform” indicates that the number of firearm-related incidents has not significantly changed since May 3 and 4, 2023. Other data sources corroborate that levels of violence and firearm-related incidents have not decreased, indicating that the measures have not made a difference.

No Ban on Violence-Supporting Programs

Nothing has changed in the realm of information dissemination, despite one of the government’s measures considering tougher sanctions for non-compliance with media service provider obligations regarding the prohibition of content promoting violence.

The main demands of the massive civic protests “Serbia Against Violence” included the abolition of reality shows that promote violence, aggressors, and aggression, and the revocation of national frequencies from TV stations Pink and Happy for promoting violence, along with shutting down tabloids that continuously violate the Journalists’ Code of Ethics.

Instead, Pink TV owner Željko Mitrović continued broadcasting the reality show “Zadruga,” despite previously stating he would terminate it promptly following President Vučić’s recommendation.

Simultaneously, the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media not only refrains from penalizing TV stations for promoting violence but has further mocked citizens who have been demanding the resignation of its members for months. On the eve of the May tragedies’ anniversary, REM symbolically removed from the new draft Rulebook the obligation for nationally broadcast TV stations to allocate one-fifth of their content to children’s, scientific-educational, documentary, and cultural-artistic programs. Practically, this means that Pink or Happy could broadcast reality shows all day, along with their versions of news and entertainment programs.

Tabloids have also continued unabated in publishing fake news and violating the Serbian Journalists’ Code. In their coverage of the recent disappearance and death of Danko Ilić, a two-year-old girl from Bor, tabloids mainly violated the code, as they did in their coverage of the May tragedies. An analysis by the Press Council showed that from May 4 to 13 and May 25 to June 13 last year, print media violated the journalistic code 1,011 times.

Although not absolving journalists for violating the code during the reporting on the May tragedies, Press Council member Tamara Skrozza points out that most of these violations were not the media’s fault but rather the fault of state institutions, top state officials, and a non-functional system. This primarily refers to information leaks from the investigation and the psychiatric institution housing the minor perpetrator (which still happens today), as well as the list of children targeted for liquidation, shown on May 3 last year at a press conference by Belgrade police chief Veselin Milić.

No Accountability for Failures

Despite the demands from the parents of the deceased children for the state to establish full accountability for those who released the list of names and to punish them, the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade announced that Veselin Milić’s actions did not constitute a criminal offense within its jurisdiction, potentially falling under the basic public prosecutor’s office instead.

The Commissioner for Information of Public Importance and Personal Data Protection determined after an inspection that Veselin Milić did not violate the Constitution and laws, stating that by displaying the list of children’s names and surnames the minor K.K. planned to kill, he did not reveal their identities. Ultimately, not only did Milić face no consequences, but he was awarded the highest-level recognition by the Ministry of the Interior in February this year for exceptional contribution and achieved results.

There were no dismissals of the Minister of Police Bratislav Gašić, BIA Chief Aleksandar Vulin, or the leadership of Radio-Television Serbia, which were demands of the protests against violence.

The parliamentary inquiry committee, which was supposed to determine the circumstances and facts leading to the mass shootings at “Ribnikar” and in the villages of Dubona and Malo Orašje, was disbanded shortly after its establishment. A brief, unsigned statement on the National Assembly website stated that the committee’s work was suspended at the request of the victims’ parents from “Ribnikar” and their legal representatives until the criminal proceedings before the prosecution and court are concluded. Previously, committee members from the ruling majority claimed that the committee’s work would jeopardize the investigation, despite knowing that according to the National Assembly’s rules of procedure, the inquiry committee cannot conduct investigative or judicial activities. The way the committee was disbanded is even more problematic since it can only be disbanded by a new decision of the National Assembly. Thus, another case of legal overreach and violation of rules and procedures occurred.

Why were no penalties imposed on the perpetrator of the massacre in the villages near Mladenovac, despite previous criminal charges for violent offenses? Why are weapons not confiscated from detained violent offenders? Why does the media continue to promote violent individuals and violence? Who and how is looking after the mental health of students? These are just some of the questions the inquiry committee could and should have addressed. Had it not been disbanded; we might have received answers on whether the May 3 and 4 tragedies could have been prevented. We might have found out whether the system failed or not. The conclusion, however, seems inevitable.

Author: Mihaela Šljukić